Gulf education systems should broaden how they define academic success, moving beyond international examination results to place greater emphasis on Arabic proficiency, cultural literacy and independent thinking, according to a policy brief published by Dubai-based Fiker Institute.
The brief, “Education, Soft Power & Intellectual Sovereignty in the Gulf,” was written by Emirati investor and entrepreneur Abdulla N Khoory, a senior fellow at the institute. “Education, Soft Power & Intellectual
Sovereignty in the Gulf”
Khoory proposes five areas for reform: developing shared educational standards across the Gulf Cooperation Council, changing teacher-training systems, establishing national centers of excellence, developing artificial-intelligence systems using regional knowledge, and expanding Arabic-language educational and cultural content.
The proposals come as Gulf states continue to expand private education while seeking to develop workforces suited to increasingly knowledge-based economies.
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“If our answer is an A-level grade, an SAT score, or admission to a foreign university, then we have already surrendered the definition of excellence to institutions that know little of our history, our language, or the values we hope to transmit,” Khoory writes.
A education system shaped by imported models
The Gulf’s reliance on overseas education models has historical roots. When domestic educational infrastructure was limited, families in the region often sent children abroad or relied on schools modeled on British and other foreign systems.
Those influences remain visible in the region’s education markets. Dubai government data showed that private-school enrolment grew 6 per cent in the 2024-25 academic year, reaching 387,441 students across 227 schools offering 17 curricula. Emiratis accounted for 33,210 of those students.
Khoory estimates that the GCC’s private K-12 education market was worth about $33.6 billion in 2025 and could exceed $65bn by 2031.
For policymakers, the issue is therefore not simply whether Gulf schools can meet international benchmarks. The broader question raised by the brief is whether those benchmarks adequately capture the knowledge, language and cultural priorities of the region.
Arabic proficiency remains a central concern
The brief points to international assessment data as part of the case for a broader discussion about educational outcomes. On the OECD’s PISA 2022 test, 15-year-olds in the UAE recorded a reading score of 417, compared with 419 in Qatar and 383 in Saudi Arabia. The OECD average was 476.
In Qatar, 53 per cent of students reached the minimum reading-proficiency level, compared with 74 per cent across OECD countries. Saudi Arabia’s reading score declined by almost 17 points between 2018 and 2022.
The PISA results measure reading performance rather than Arabic-language proficiency specifically. Khoory nevertheless uses the figures to frame what he describes as a broader concern about literacy and students’ relationship with Arabic-language texts and traditions.
He also argues that the issue begins well before formal schooling. Children growing up speaking Gulf dialects may encounter Modern Standard Arabic primarily through the education system, creating a gap between spoken language at home and the formal language used in textbooks and literature.
Khoory links that divide to students’ ability to engage with scripture, poetry and classical Arabic writing. His argument is that strengthening those connections should be treated as part of educational development rather than as a separate cultural initiative.
Five proposals for a Gulf education strategy
The policy brief’s recommendations cover curriculum, teachers, institutions, technology and content.
First, establish shared Gulf education standards. Khoory proposes a common Core Values Framework that would define the attributes expected of graduates, including cultural fluency, ethical grounding, intellectual independence and civic responsibility. Those principles could then be reflected in national curricula and assessments, including measures of Arabic competence and cultural literacy.
Second, reform teacher training. The brief calls for stronger salary and scholarship incentives, locally grounded definitions of merit and mentorship programs connecting new teachers with experienced educators. It also proposes encouraging families to increase Arabic reading at home.
Third, establish national centers of excellence. Permanent institutions focused on curriculum research, Arabic pedagogy and digital education could provide governments with domestic research capacity and reduce reliance on foreign consultancies, according to the proposal.
Fourth, develop AI using regional knowledge. Educational AI systems could be trained on national archives, literature, jurisprudence and other regional scholarship. Khoory argues that such systems could support personalized learning while ensuring that local governments retain authority over the data and educational frameworks involved.
Fifth, create an Arabic knowledge commons. The proposal calls for sustained investment in Arabic-language books, media, film, animation and digital learning materials. The intended market would include Gulf schools as well as Arabic-speaking audiences beyond the GCC.
AI adds urgency to the debate
Some of the infrastructure needed for the AI component is already being developed. Khoory cites the UAE’s National AI Strategy 2031 and initiatives by Saudi Arabia’s Data and AI Authority as examples of government efforts to establish national capabilities and governance around artificial intelligence.
The education question, he argues, is how those national AI strategies can be extended into classrooms.
Large language models trained on regional archives and scholarship could be used to provide customised learning, while potentially reducing dependence on educational systems and content developed elsewhere. The approach would also raise questions about data governance, curriculum control and how cultural material is selected and represented in AI systems.
The timing is significant for employers as well as schools. The World Economic Forum estimating that 39 per cent of workers’ core skills will change by 2030, points to a labor market in which education systems will need to develop adaptable skills alongside subject knowledge.
For Gulf economies investing heavily in technology and human capital, that shift creates a link between education policy and workforce strategy.
Looking beyond the Gulf for models
Khoory does not argue that Gulf education systems should isolate themselves from international standards. Instead, he points to examples where countries have combined international qualifications with locally defined educational priorities.
Singapore, for example, maintains internationally recognized qualifications while incorporating bilingual education and national identity into its school system. Finland’s National Agency for Education is cited as an example of a permanent domestic institution supporting education research and policy. New Zealand’s incorporation of Māori knowledge into national curricula provides another example of heritage being incorporated into formal education.
The brief also looks inward, drawing attention to traditional Gulf learning practices.
Majlis gatherings, Khoory argues, encouraged discussion and collective inquiry, while nabati poetry carried ideas about courage, loyalty and generosity between generations. Traditional forms of learning also required navigation, resource management and the memorization of genealogies.
The brief compares the concept of muhasabat al-nafs, or ethical self-accounting, with the modern psychological emphasis on metacognition. Khoory argues that education reform can include the recovery of indigenous terminology and intellectual traditions rather than relying exclusively on imported frameworks.
Implications for employers
The proposed changes extend beyond schools. Khoory argues that employers also influence what education systems consider valuable when they use institutional prestige as a proxy for talent.
A greater focus on demonstrable skills, he suggests, could create stronger incentives for locally educated graduates and reduce the weight placed on foreign qualifications.
Parents are another part of the equation. The brief calls for a model in which cultural knowledge and Arabic are presented to students as integral components of educational achievement rather than secondary subjects.
Khoory’s argument ultimately rests on a broader definition of educational sovereignty: Gulf states can continue using international standards and qualifications while also developing their own measures of knowledge, capability and cultural competence.
The author holds a Master’s in Education from Harvard University and a Bachelor’s in International Affairs from Northeastern University. From Dubai, he advises on philanthropy, education and international development.
The policy brief’s central proposition is that the Gulf already has educational traditions, institutions and intellectual resources that can inform a modern system. The challenge, as Khoory frames it, is incorporating those resources into the region’s schools, technology platforms and measures of success.